Howdy, Stranger!

It looks like you're new here. Sign in or register to get started.

Options

politicalbetting.com » Blog Archive » The coming Battle of Brighton could determine the fate of Brex

SystemSystem Posts: 11,015
edited August 2019 in General

imagepoliticalbetting.com » Blog Archive » The coming Battle of Brighton could determine the fate of Brexit

Conferences don’t usually matter. These days, they’re mostly occasions when the party can try to sell itself and its policies to the media and the public – a glorified party political broadcast, if you like – while also acting as a bonding exercise for members of that party. It doesn’t always work out like that of course, but those are the primary aims.

Read the full story here


«1345

Comments

  • Options
    bigjohnowlsbigjohnowls Posts: 21,850
    edited August 2019
    1st like Jezza at GE2019
  • Options
    DecrepitJohnLDecrepitJohnL Posts: 13,300
    edited August 2019
    If Remainers want to stop Brexit, Corbyn is the only game in town. Labour's conference runs 21-25 September. The Commons will have been back in session for three weeks by then.

    ETA the LibDem conference is a week earlier, 14-17 September, so Jo Swinson needs to have some ideas before then.
  • Options
    edmundintokyoedmundintokyo Posts: 17,149
    edited August 2019
    Interesting piece but I don't think it's right.

    Labour policy is not a fudge. People have got used to saying it because it was a fudge for a long, deeply ridiculous time, but it's not a fudge any more.

    The policy is to renegotiate then have a referendum. This may be bullshit (renegotiation unicorns etc) but it's clear what it means. It's true that they're not being clear which side they would recommend voting for in the referendum, but that's not very important, and logically depends on what they've ended up negotiating.

    Whether you can do a GoNAfaE doesn't depend on a change in Labour policy. There's no alternative Labour policy which, if they adopted it, would make a GoNAfaE more likely. There are two ways that Labour may prevent a GoNAfaE from happening when it otherwise would:

    1) The leadership may refuse to accept a non-Corbyn option, which might otherwise be viable when Corbyn is not. This doesn't really turn on what the GoNAfaE would do, which is the easy part. (The clue's in the name.)

    2) Lab-leave rebels may decline to back the GoNAfaE, or other anti-No-Deal measures. This becomes more likely not less if you tilt the party policy to be more anti-Leave, for example by advocating revoking without a referendum.

    So I don't think anything in the short term turns on Labour policy, and I'd be surprised if Labour changed their policy, beyond making the leadership's shift from the last conference policy official.
  • Options
    OldKingColeOldKingCole Posts: 31,972
    Good morning everyone. August Bank Holiday weekend and the sun is not only shining but forecast to do so for several days! Global warming is unquestionably with us!
  • Options
    felixfelix Posts: 15,124

    Interesting piece but I don't think it's right.

    Labour policy is not a fudge. People have got used to saying it because it was a fudge for a long, deeply ridiculous time, but it's not a fudge any more.

    The policy is to renegotiate then have a referendum. This may be bullshit (renegotiation unicorns etc) but it's clear what it means. It's true that they're not being clear which side they would recommend voting for in the referendum, but that's not very important, and logically depends on what they've ended up negotiating.

    Whether you can do a GoNAfaE doesn't depend on a change in Labour policy. There's no alternative Labour policy which, if they adopted it, would make a GoNAfaE more likely. There are two ways that Labour may prevent a GoNAfaE from happening when it otherwise would:

    1) The leadership may refuse to accept a non-Corbyn option, which might otherwise be viable when Corbyn is not. This doesn't really turn on what the GoNAfaE would do, which is the easy part. (The clue's in the name.)

    2) Lab-leave rebels may decline to back the GoNAfaE, or other anti-No-Deal measures. This becomes more likely not less if you tilt the party policy to be more anti-Leave, for example by advocating revoking without a referendum.

    So I don't think anything in the short term turns on Labour policy, and I'd be surprised if Labour changed their policy, beyond making the leadership's shift from the last conference policy official.

    The polling evidence suggests strongly two things I believe about Labour's Brexit policy:

    1. The public think it is as clear as mud.
    2. The public don't like it.

    In addition the polling evidence is even stronger that the public do not want JCPM.
  • Options
    Apparently bad Al's son is buying bury fc.
  • Options
    SquareRootSquareRoot Posts: 7,095

    Apparently bad Al's son is buying bury fc.

    interesting that the BBC report doesn't mention that.
  • Options
    geoffwgeoffw Posts: 8,149
    Oh joy!
    "the fate of Brexit may rest on the machinations of backroom deals in Labour’s compositing committees."
  • Options
    tpfkartpfkar Posts: 1,546
    edited August 2019
    Well argued. However I was struck by the comment about Tory members not setting policy in the second paragraph. I've come to the view that the Tory membership are a big part of the problem; the country won't tolerate what the Tory membership are demanding, and they are divorced from the reality (mostly on age grounds) so as to not care about the consequences for those in employment. And of course they heave shown you don't need policy setting conferences for the members to drive party policy.

    I fear the baby boomers will be regarded as the selfish generation when they are gone. Their parents were wartime heroes - their children, not so much. Maybe a generalisation too far, but history will be written by those who come after.
  • Options
    tlg86tlg86 Posts: 25,189

    Apparently bad Al's son is buying bury fc.

    Does his father discount him as a fit and proper person?
  • Options
    tlg86tlg86 Posts: 25,189
    tpfkar said:

    Well argued. However I was struck by the comment about Tory members not setting policy in the second paragraph. I've come to the view that the Tory membership are a big part of the problem; the country won't tolerate what the Tory membership are demanding, and they are divorced from the reality (mostly on age grounds) so as to not care about the consequences for those in employment. And of course they heave shown you don't need policy setting conferences for the members to drive party policy.

    I fear the baby boomers will be regarded as the selfish generation when they are gone. Their parents were wartime heroes - their children, not so much. Maybe a generalisation too far, but history will be written by those who come after.

    Nah, they’re wise generation who can see what an utter mess our country has become in the last 20 years.
  • Options
    OldKingColeOldKingCole Posts: 31,972
    On my Facebook page this morning has appeared a reference to an article from something called Quora which has probably the most lucid explanation I've seen of the machinations behind Brexit, and the campaign which led up to it.
    'Why are Remainers so convinced that staying in the European Union is what is best for the UK?'.
  • Options
    MarqueeMarkMarqueeMark Posts: 50,100
    felix said:

    Interesting piece but I don't think it's right.

    Labour policy is not a fudge. People have got used to saying it because it was a fudge for a long, deeply ridiculous time, but it's not a fudge any more.

    The policy is to renegotiate then have a referendum. This may be bullshit (renegotiation unicorns etc) but it's clear what it means. It's true that they're not being clear which side they would recommend voting for in the referendum, but that's not very important, and logically depends on what they've ended up negotiating.

    Whether you can do a GoNAfaE doesn't depend on a change in Labour policy. There's no alternative Labour policy which, if they adopted it, would make a GoNAfaE more likely. There are two ways that Labour may prevent a GoNAfaE from happening when it otherwise would:

    1) The leadership may refuse to accept a non-Corbyn option, which might otherwise be viable when Corbyn is not. This doesn't really turn on what the GoNAfaE would do, which is the easy part. (The clue's in the name.)

    2) Lab-leave rebels may decline to back the GoNAfaE, or other anti-No-Deal measures. This becomes more likely not less if you tilt the party policy to be more anti-Leave, for example by advocating revoking without a referendum.

    So I don't think anything in the short term turns on Labour policy, and I'd be surprised if Labour changed their policy, beyond making the leadership's shift from the last conference policy official.

    The polling evidence suggests strongly two things I believe about Labour's Brexit policy:

    1. The public think it is as clear as mud.
    2. The public don't like it.

    In addition the polling evidence is even stronger that the public do not want JCPM.
    The public are wise.
  • Options
    OldKingColeOldKingCole Posts: 31,972
    tlg86 said:

    tpfkar said:

    Well argued. However I was struck by the comment about Tory members not setting policy in the second paragraph. I've come to the view that the Tory membership are a big part of the problem; the country won't tolerate what the Tory membership are demanding, and they are divorced from the reality (mostly on age grounds) so as to not care about the consequences for those in employment. And of course they heave shown you don't need policy setting conferences for the members to drive party policy.

    I fear the baby boomers will be regarded as the selfish generation when they are gone. Their parents were wartime heroes - their children, not so much. Maybe a generalisation too far, but history will be written by those who come after.

    Nah, they’re wise generation who can see what an utter mess our country has become in the last 20 years.
    The mess was the consequence of the policies of Keith Joseph and his acolyte, Margaret Thatcher.
  • Options
    Even by the long history of unfit owners of football clubs, hearing the owner of bury talk is staggering. He claims he didnt even know bury had a football club.
  • Options
    Short-term, No Deal works for disparate groupings in different ways, so that’s where we’ll end up. The interesting bit is what happens next. In the post 31/10 world all we can be certain of is that UK businesses and citizens will be less free than they are now, and that the UK as an entity will have less control over its ability to trade across borders. Whether that matters or not politically is far less clear. The Labour leadership clearly believes all this will deliver significant electoral benefits. The Tories will be counting on Corbyn. At some point maybe someone will start thinking about the British people. Yep, I know: that’s ridiculous.
  • Options
    TheuniondivvieTheuniondivvie Posts: 40,022

    tlg86 said:

    tpfkar said:

    Well argued. However I was struck by the comment about Tory members not setting policy in the second paragraph. I've come to the view that the Tory membership are a big part of the problem; the country won't tolerate what the Tory membership are demanding, and they are divorced from the reality (mostly on age grounds) so as to not care about the consequences for those in employment. And of course they heave shown you don't need policy setting conferences for the members to drive party policy.

    I fear the baby boomers will be regarded as the selfish generation when they are gone. Their parents were wartime heroes - their children, not so much. Maybe a generalisation too far, but history will be written by those who come after.

    Nah, they’re wise generation who can see what an utter mess our country has become in the last 20 years.
    The mess was the consequence of the policies of Keith Joseph and his acolyte, Margaret Thatcher.
    I wonder if that '20 years' mess is what Thatcher lovers have in mind when they describe her as the greatest and most influential post war PM?
  • Options
    Morris_DancerMorris_Dancer Posts: 60,976
    Mr. Observer, depressing to see Labour MPs stay loyal to a far left fool, and Conservative MPs fall over themselves to back a man not fit to be in Cabinet.

    As I've said before, the ultimate winning side will be determined by who can be guided by a long term, sustainable proposition that moderates on both sides can accept.

    That's what ended the iconoclasm, and the religious conflict of the Tudors [although there were some bumps, of course].
  • Options
    IanB2IanB2 Posts: 47,256

    Short-term, No Deal works for disparate groupings in different ways, so that’s where we’ll end up. The interesting bit is what happens next. In the post 31/10 world all we can be certain of is that UK businesses and citizens will be less free than they are now, and that the UK as an entity will have less control over its ability to trade across borders. Whether that matters or not politically is far less clear. The Labour leadership clearly believes all this will deliver significant electoral benefits. The Tories will be counting on Corbyn. At some point maybe someone will start thinking about the British people. Yep, I know: that’s ridiculous.

    Hence why Corbyn is at least pretending to try and stop it, to avoid handing the LibDems the line that the chaos was brought to you by both Bozo and Corby.
  • Options
    IanB2IanB2 Posts: 47,256

    felix said:

    Interesting piece but I don't think it's right.

    Labour policy is not a fudge. People have got used to saying it because it was a fudge for a long, deeply ridiculous time, but it's not a fudge any more.

    The policy is to renegotiate then have a referendum. This may be bullshit (renegotiation unicorns etc) but it's clear what it means. It's true that they're not being clear which side they would recommend voting for in the referendum, but that's not very important, and logically depends on what they've ended up negotiating.

    Whether you can do a GoNAfaE doesn't depend on a change in Labour policy. There's no alternative Labour policy which, if they adopted it, would make a GoNAfaE more likely. There are two ways that Labour may prevent a GoNAfaE from happening when it otherwise would:

    1) The leadership may refuse to accept a non-Corbyn option, which might otherwise be viable when Corbyn is not. This doesn't really turn on what the GoNAfaE would do, which is the easy part. (The clue's in the name.)

    2) Lab-leave rebels may decline to back the GoNAfaE, or other anti-No-Deal measures. This becomes more likely not less if you tilt the party policy to be more anti-Leave, for example by advocating revoking without a referendum.

    So I don't think anything in the short term turns on Labour policy, and I'd be surprised if Labour changed their policy, beyond making the leadership's shift from the last conference policy official.

    The polling evidence suggests strongly two things I believe about Labour's Brexit policy:

    1. The public think it is as clear as mud.
    2. The public don't like it.

    In addition the polling evidence is even stronger that the public do not want JCPM.
    The public are wise.
    The public is also singular ;)
  • Options
    IanB2IanB2 Posts: 47,256

    Interesting piece but I don't think it's right.

    Labour policy is not a fudge. People have got used to saying it because it was a fudge for a long, deeply ridiculous time, but it's not a fudge any more.

    The policy is to renegotiate then have a referendum. This may be bullshit (renegotiation unicorns etc) but it's clear what it means. It's true that they're not being clear which side they would recommend voting for in the referendum, but that's not very important, and logically depends on what they've ended up negotiating.

    Whether you can do a GoNAfaE doesn't depend on a change in Labour policy. There's no alternative Labour policy which, if they adopted it, would make a GoNAfaE more likely. There are two ways that Labour may prevent a GoNAfaE from happening when it otherwise would:

    1) The leadership may refuse to accept a non-Corbyn option, which might otherwise be viable when Corbyn is not. This doesn't really turn on what the GoNAfaE would do, which is the easy part. (The clue's in the name.)

    2) Lab-leave rebels may decline to back the GoNAfaE, or other anti-No-Deal measures. This becomes more likely not less if you tilt the party policy to be more anti-Leave, for example by advocating revoking without a referendum.

    So I don't think anything in the short term turns on Labour policy, and I'd be surprised if Labour changed their policy, beyond making the leadership's shift from the last conference policy official.

    Each of the separate bits of Labour's policy (if the Tories are in power; if they are in power) makes some sense on its own, I agree.

    The problem is that, together, Labour has ended in the position of effectively being pro-Remain if the Tories are in power but pro-Leave if Labour wins power.

    Explaining what logic there might be behind this is very difficult and to the public it presents a very confused message that doesn't appeal to either side.
  • Options

    tlg86 said:

    tpfkar said:

    Well argued. However I was struck by the comment about Tory members not setting policy in the second paragraph. I've come to the view that the Tory membership are a big part of the problem; the country won't tolerate what the Tory membership are demanding, and they are divorced from the reality (mostly on age grounds) so as to not care about the consequences for those in employment. And of course they heave shown you don't need policy setting conferences for the members to drive party policy.

    I fear the baby boomers will be regarded as the selfish generation when they are gone. Their parents were wartime heroes - their children, not so much. Maybe a generalisation too far, but history will be written by those who come after.

    Nah, they’re wise generation who can see what an utter mess our country has become in the last 20 years.
    The mess was the consequence of the policies of Keith Joseph and his acolyte, Margaret Thatcher.
    I wonder if that '20 years' mess is what Thatcher lovers have in mind when they describe her as the greatest and most influential post war PM?
    Maybe my maths is different to yours but 20 years ago was 1999, which makes me feel old.

    The big problems of the last 20 years are due to Blair and Brown not Thatcher.
  • Options
    tlg86tlg86 Posts: 25,189
    With a bit of luck, Bury FC will bankrupt Campbell Junior.
  • Options
    TheuniondivvieTheuniondivvie Posts: 40,022

    tlg86 said:

    tpfkar said:

    Well argued. However I was struck by the comment about Tory members not setting policy in the second paragraph. I've come to the view that the Tory membership are a big part of the problem; the country won't tolerate what the Tory membership are demanding, and they are divorced from the reality (mostly on age grounds) so as to not care about the consequences for those in employment. And of course they heave shown you don't need policy setting conferences for the members to drive party policy.

    I fear the baby boomers will be regarded as the selfish generation when they are gone. Their parents were wartime heroes - their children, not so much. Maybe a generalisation too far, but history will be written by those who come after.

    Nah, they’re wise generation who can see what an utter mess our country has become in the last 20 years.
    The mess was the consequence of the policies of Keith Joseph and his acolyte, Margaret Thatcher.
    I wonder if that '20 years' mess is what Thatcher lovers have in mind when they describe her as the greatest and most influential post war PM?
    Maybe my maths is different to yours but 20 years ago was 1999, which makes me feel old.

    The big problems of the last 20 years are due to Blair and Brown not Thatcher.
    So influential PM not actually influential? Thatcher admirers Blair & Brown (and in turn Blair admirers Cameron & Osborne) may disagree, but fair enough.
  • Options
    tlg86 said:

    With a bit of luck, Bury FC will bankrupt Campbell Junior.

    Why would you want that to happen?

  • Options
    tlg86tlg86 Posts: 25,189

    tlg86 said:

    With a bit of luck, Bury FC will bankrupt Campbell Junior.

    Why would you want that to happen?

    His dad would have to bail him out. Seriously though, I don't know why anyone other than a dyed in the wool supporter of a club with a lot of money would want to buy a football club.
  • Options
    tpfkar said:

    Well argued. However I was struck by the comment about Tory members not setting policy in the second paragraph. I've come to the view that the Tory membership are a big part of the problem; the country won't tolerate what the Tory membership are demanding, and they are divorced from the reality (mostly on age grounds) so as to not care about the consequences for those in employment. And of course they heave shown you don't need policy setting conferences for the members to drive party policy.

    I fear the baby boomers will be regarded as the selfish generation when they are gone. Their parents were wartime heroes - their children, not so much. Maybe a generalisation too far, but history will be written by those who come after.

    Tory members do not set policy, but they undoubtedly set tone and direction of travel. Hence the end of the pragmatic, centre-right Conservative and Unionist Party and the birth of the populist, hard-right English National Party.

  • Options

    tlg86 said:

    tpfkar said:

    Well argued. However I was struck by the comment about Tory members not setting policy in the second paragraph. I've come to the view that the Tory membership are a big part of the problem; the country won't tolerate what the Tory membership are demanding, and they are divorced from the reality (mostly on age grounds) so as to not care about the consequences for those in employment. And of course they heave shown you don't need policy setting conferences for the members to drive party policy.

    I fear the baby boomers will be regarded as the selfish generation when they are gone. Their parents were wartime heroes - their children, not so much. Maybe a generalisation too far, but history will be written by those who come after.

    Nah, they’re wise generation who can see what an utter mess our country has become in the last 20 years.
    The mess was the consequence of the policies of Keith Joseph and his acolyte, Margaret Thatcher.
    I wonder if that '20 years' mess is what Thatcher lovers have in mind when they describe her as the greatest and most influential post war PM?
    Maybe my maths is different to yours but 20 years ago was 1999, which makes me feel old.

    The big problems of the last 20 years are due to Blair and Brown not Thatcher.
    So influential PM not actually influential? Thatcher admirers Blair & Brown (and in turn Blair admirers Cameron & Osborne) may disagree, but fair enough.
    Thatcher was very influential. She bequeathed Blair a golden inheritance that Brown wasted. The past decade has been about cleaning up Brown's mess.

    But even with Blair and Brown causing problems for the last 20 years we are still miles better than 40 years ago thanks to Thatcher.
  • Options

    tpfkar said:

    Well argued. However I was struck by the comment about Tory members not setting policy in the second paragraph. I've come to the view that the Tory membership are a big part of the problem; the country won't tolerate what the Tory membership are demanding, and they are divorced from the reality (mostly on age grounds) so as to not care about the consequences for those in employment. And of course they heave shown you don't need policy setting conferences for the members to drive party policy.

    I fear the baby boomers will be regarded as the selfish generation when they are gone. Their parents were wartime heroes - their children, not so much. Maybe a generalisation too far, but history will be written by those who come after.

    Tory members do not set policy, but they undoubtedly set tone and direction of travel. Hence the end of the pragmatic, centre-right Conservative and Unionist Party and the birth of the populist, hard-right English National Party.

    Considering the success of the Scottish National Party seems to me an English one is a sensible move.

    Though they're still not pledging to abolish Barnett.
  • Options
    Morris_DancerMorris_Dancer Posts: 60,976
    Mr. Observer, you keep going on about English nationalism (a loose definition must be used, as it includes Wales...). If it has arisen, major factors driving it have been Labour's self-interested and short-sighted devolution for Everywhere But England, the open borders policy with accompanying race card, and the reneging upon manifesto commitments.

    It didn't take a genius to predict that trying to fiddle with the constitution to create a perpetual fiefdom whilst actually embedding division in the political system might not be clever. Or that calling everyone a racist who disagreed with a policy to 'rub the right's face in diversity' might dilute the charge of 'racist' to very little. Or that telling the electorate one thing and doing the opposite doesn't engender trust.

    The polarisation of current politics is the crop grown by complacent 'centrist' politicians who took for granted that they'd always be the ones in charge and that if the electorate had the temerity to disagree they could simply be ignored. If a return from the fringes is to happen, that requires politicians to take account of the legitimate concerns the electorate has. Unfortunately, the habit of throwing around terms like 'traitor', 'xenophobe' and so on has made the middle ground harder to stand in (No Man's Land, if you will, in the current trench warfare).
  • Options
    felixfelix Posts: 15,124
    IanB2 said:

    Interesting piece but I don't think it's right.

    Labour policy is not a fudge. People have got used to saying it because it was a fudge for a long, deeply ridiculous time, but it's not a fudge any more.

    The policy is to renegotiate then have a referendum. This may be bullshit (renegotiation unicorns etc) but it's clear what it means. It's true that they're not being clear which side they would recommend voting for in the referendum, but that's not very important, and logically depends on what they've ended up negotiating.

    Whether you can do a GoNAfaE doesn't depend on a change in Labour policy. There's no alternative Labour policy which, if they adopted it, would make a GoNAfaE more likely. There are two ways that Labour may prevent a GoNAfaE from happening when it otherwise would:

    1) The leadership may refuse to accept a non-Corbyn option, which might otherwise be viable when Corbyn is not. This doesn't really turn on what the GoNAfaE would do, which is the easy part. (The clue's in the name.)

    2) Lab-leave rebels may decline to back the GoNAfaE, or other anti-No-Deal measures. This becomes more likely not less if you tilt the party policy to be more anti-Leave, for example by advocating revoking without a referendum.

    So I don't think anything in the short term turns on Labour policy, and I'd be surprised if Labour changed their policy, beyond making the leadership's shift from the last conference policy official.

    Each of the separate bits of Labour's policy (if the Tories are in power; if they are in power) makes some sense on its own, I agree.

    The problem is that, together, Labour has ended in the position of effectively being pro-Remain if the Tories are in power but pro-Leave if Labour wins power.

    Explaining what logic there might be behind this is very difficult and to the public it presents a very confused message that doesn't appeal to either side.
    No matter - Chaanel 4 is there to educate the public and tell them what they must think on these matters which are too complex for the to understand without guidance. Go Jeremy!
  • Options

    Mr. Observer, you keep going on about English nationalism (a loose definition must be used, as it includes Wales...). If it has arisen, major factors driving it have been Labour's self-interested and short-sighted devolution for Everywhere But England, the open borders policy with accompanying race card, and the reneging upon manifesto commitments.

    It didn't take a genius to predict that trying to fiddle with the constitution to create a perpetual fiefdom whilst actually embedding division in the political system might not be clever. Or that calling everyone a racist who disagreed with a policy to 'rub the right's face in diversity' might dilute the charge of 'racist' to very little. Or that telling the electorate one thing and doing the opposite doesn't engender trust.

    The polarisation of current politics is the crop grown by complacent 'centrist' politicians who took for granted that they'd always be the ones in charge and that if the electorate had the temerity to disagree they could simply be ignored. If a return from the fringes is to happen, that requires politicians to take account of the legitimate concerns the electorate has. Unfortunately, the habit of throwing around terms like 'traitor', 'xenophobe' and so on has made the middle ground harder to stand in (No Man's Land, if you will, in the current trench warfare).

    The Tories’ decision to embrace hard-right, populist, English nationalism is entirely the responsibility of the Tory Party.

  • Options
    MarqueeMarkMarqueeMark Posts: 50,100
    IanB2 said:

    felix said:

    Interesting piece but I don't think it's right.

    Labour policy is not a fudge. People have got used to saying it because it was a fudge for a long, deeply ridiculous time, but it's not a fudge any more.

    The policy is to renegotiate then have a referendum. This may be bullshit (renegotiation unicorns etc) but it's clear what it means. It's true that they're not being clear which side they would recommend voting for in the referendum, but that's not very important, and logically depends on what they've ended up negotiating.

    Whether you can do a GoNAfaE doesn't depend on a change in Labour policy. There's no alternative Labour policy which, if they adopted it, would make a GoNAfaE more likely. There are two ways that Labour may prevent a GoNAfaE from happening when it otherwise would:

    1) The leadership may refuse to accept a non-Corbyn option, which might otherwise be viable when Corbyn is not. This doesn't really turn on what the GoNAfaE would do, which is the easy part. (The clue's in the name.)

    2) Lab-leave rebels may decline to back the GoNAfaE, or other anti-No-Deal measures. This becomes more likely not less if you tilt the party policy to be more anti-Leave, for example by advocating revoking without a referendum.

    So I don't think anything in the short term turns on Labour policy, and I'd be surprised if Labour changed their policy, beyond making the leadership's shift from the last conference policy official.

    The polling evidence suggests strongly two things I believe about Labour's Brexit policy:

    1. The public think it is as clear as mud.
    2. The public don't like it.

    In addition the polling evidence is even stronger that the public do not want JCPM.
    The public are wise.
    The public is also singular ;)
    Treating the public as a singular entity never works well for politicians...!
  • Options
    DavidLDavidL Posts: 51,212

    On my Facebook page this morning has appeared a reference to an article from something called Quora which has probably the most lucid explanation I've seen of the machinations behind Brexit, and the campaign which led up to it.
    'Why are Remainers so convinced that staying in the European Union is what is best for the UK?'.

    Quite a fun, if somewhat incoherent rant.
  • Options
    MarqueeMarkMarqueeMark Posts: 50,100

    Mr. Observer, you keep going on about English nationalism (a loose definition must be used, as it includes Wales...). If it has arisen, major factors driving it have been Labour's self-interested and short-sighted devolution for Everywhere But England, the open borders policy with accompanying race card, and the reneging upon manifesto commitments.

    It didn't take a genius to predict that trying to fiddle with the constitution to create a perpetual fiefdom whilst actually embedding division in the political system might not be clever. Or that calling everyone a racist who disagreed with a policy to 'rub the right's face in diversity' might dilute the charge of 'racist' to very little. Or that telling the electorate one thing and doing the opposite doesn't engender trust.

    The polarisation of current politics is the crop grown by complacent 'centrist' politicians who took for granted that they'd always be the ones in charge and that if the electorate had the temerity to disagree they could simply be ignored. If a return from the fringes is to happen, that requires politicians to take account of the legitimate concerns the electorate has. Unfortunately, the habit of throwing around terms like 'traitor', 'xenophobe' and so on has made the middle ground harder to stand in (No Man's Land, if you will, in the current trench warfare).

    The Tories’ decision to embrace hard-right, populist, English nationalism is entirely the responsibility of the Tory Party.

    That's one view. Another is that you need to do some SERIOUS work on your definitions....
  • Options
    FF43FF43 Posts: 15,709

    Interesting piece but I don't think it's right.

    Labour policy is not a fudge. People have got used to saying it because it was a fudge for a long, deeply ridiculous time, but it's not a fudge any more.

    The policy is to renegotiate then have a referendum. This may be bullshit (renegotiation unicorns etc) but it's clear what it means. It's true that they're not being clear which side they would recommend voting for in the referendum, but that's not very important, and logically depends on what they've ended up negotiating.

    Whether you can do a GoNAfaE doesn't depend on a change in Labour policy. There's no alternative Labour policy which, if they adopted it, would make a GoNAfaE more likely. There are two ways that Labour may prevent a GoNAfaE from happening when it otherwise would:

    1) The leadership may refuse to accept a non-Corbyn option, which might otherwise be viable when Corbyn is not. This doesn't really turn on what the GoNAfaE would do, which is the easy part. (The clue's in the name.)

    2) Lab-leave rebels may decline to back the GoNAfaE, or other anti-No-Deal measures. This becomes more likely not less if you tilt the party policy to be more anti-Leave, for example by advocating revoking without a referendum.

    So I don't think anything in the short term turns on Labour policy, and I'd be surprised if Labour changed their policy, beyond making the leadership's shift from the last conference policy official.

    The official policy is somewhat coherent. The problem is, few people believe in it apart from Corbyn. The idea that Brexit is bad as it stands, but could be made better, has very little support. Most people either think they should get on with it or cancel the whole thing. The second group contains the vast bulk of Labour MPs and supporters. Even Labour Leavers tend to emphasise the getting on with Brexit rather any improvements that might be made.
  • Options
    Morris_DancerMorris_Dancer Posts: 60,976
    Mr. Observer, the EU referendum result had a British electorate, not an English one.

    Boris isn't a hard right nationalist. He is not the diametrically opposition to and equivalent of Corbyn. He's an underwhelming court jester too foolish to realise he isn't up to the job.
  • Options
    DavidLDavidL Posts: 51,212
    I see this as a bit of a win win for Boris. If Labour go remain they fish in the same waters as the Lib Dems, just with a bit less credibility. They will lose some of their traditional support, probably to TBP rather than the Tories, and a swathe of seats will become vulnerable. They might even win back some tactical voters who were going to vote Lib Dem and help remove a Tory as well.

    If they continue their current "policy" then they will continue to bleed loud mouthed supporters like AC to the Lib Dems. Either way the 50% of the country that cares and that wants to remain will be split. The 50% that cares and want to leave are split too of course but Boris will fancy his chances of a much less even split of that vote.

    The interesting thing is how many are in the middle, people who stopped caring about Brexit months or even years ago because it is boring and confusing and they no longer believe a word that anyone says on the subject. My guess is that that number is (a) bigger than we think and (b) growing. How will they vote?
  • Options
    Ishmael_ZIshmael_Z Posts: 8,981

    On my Facebook page this morning has appeared a reference to an article from something called Quora which has probably the most lucid explanation I've seen of the machinations behind Brexit, and the campaign which led up to it.
    'Why are Remainers so convinced that staying in the European Union is what is best for the UK?'.

    "Best" is relative, innit? As Oscar would have said, there is only one thing worse than staying in the EU...
  • Options
    MexicanpeteMexicanpete Posts: 25,137

    tlg86 said:

    tpfkar said:

    Well argued. However I was struck by the comment about Tory members not setting policy in the second paragraph. I've come to the view that the Tory membership are a big part of the problem; the country won't tolerate what the Tory membership are demanding, and they are divorced from the reality (mostly on age grounds) so as to not care about the consequences for those in employment. And of course they heave shown you don't need policy setting conferences for the members to drive party policy.

    I fear the baby boomers will be regarded as the selfish generation when they are gone. Their parents were wartime heroes - their children, not so much. Maybe a generalisation too far, but history will be written by those who come after.

    Nah, they’re wise generation who can see what an utter mess our country has become in the last 20 years.
    The mess was the consequence of the policies of Keith Joseph and his acolyte, Margaret Thatcher.
    I wonder if that '20 years' mess is what Thatcher lovers have in mind when they describe her as the greatest and most influential post war PM?
    Maybe my maths is different to yours but 20 years ago was 1999, which makes me feel old.

    The big problems of the last 20 years are due to Blair and Brown not Thatcher.
    So influential PM not actually influential? Thatcher admirers Blair & Brown (and in turn Blair admirers Cameron & Osborne) may disagree, but fair enough.
    Thatcher was very influential. She bequeathed Blair a golden inheritance that Brown wasted. The past decade has been about cleaning up Brown's mess.

    But even with Blair and Brown causing problems for the last 20 years we are still miles better than 40 years ago thanks to Thatcher.
    I am not sure I entirely agree with your analysis, and indeed post 31/10 we may experience the sunlit uplands promised by Mr Johnson. If ihowever t doesn't go to plan and the UK crashes and burns, the 'Winter of Discontent' might seem like mild turbulence.
  • Options
    nichomarnichomar Posts: 7,483
    DavidL said:

    I see this as a bit of a win win for Boris. If Labour go remain they fish in the same waters as the Lib Dems, just with a bit less credibility. They will lose some of their traditional support, probably to TBP rather than the Tories, and a swathe of seats will become vulnerable. They might even win back some tactical voters who were going to vote Lib Dem and help remove a Tory as well.

    If they continue their current "policy" then they will continue to bleed loud mouthed supporters like AC to the Lib Dems. Either way the 50% of the country that cares and that wants to remain will be split. The 50% that cares and want to leave are split too of course but Boris will fancy his chances of a much less even split of that vote.

    The interesting thing is how many are in the middle, people who stopped caring about Brexit months or even years ago because it is boring and confusing and they no longer believe a word that anyone says on the subject. My guess is that that number is (a) bigger than we think and (b) growing. How will they vote?

    They probably wont
  • Options
    algarkirkalgarkirk Posts: 10,516
    tlg86 said:

    tlg86 said:

    With a bit of luck, Bury FC will bankrupt Campbell Junior.

    Why would you want that to happen?

    His dad would have to bail him out. Seriously though, I don't know why anyone other than a dyed in the wool supporter of a club with a lot of money would want to buy a football club.
    If that bloke bought it for a pound, it's a fair guess that at the time someone thought that was what it was worth. Not a good basis for running a football club.

    If Bury is as important to its supporters and community as everyone says then a well run supporters cooperative to own and run it would sound a good bet. But I have not noticed many people being prepared to put up their own money as opposed to talking a not very good game.

  • Options
    malcolmgmalcolmg Posts: 41,854

    Apparently bad Al's son is buying bury fc.

    who is bad Al
  • Options
    nichomarnichomar Posts: 7,483
    edited August 2019

    tlg86 said:

    tpfkar said:

    Well argued. However I was struck by the comment about Tory members not setting policy in the second paragraph. I've come to the view that the Tory membership are a big part of the problem; the country won't tolerate what the Tory membership are demanding, and they are divorced from the reality (mostly on age grounds) so as to not care about the consequences for those in employment. And of course they heave shown you don't need policy setting conferences for the members to drive party policy.

    I fear the baby boomers will be regarded as the selfish generation when they are gone. Their parents were wartime heroes - their children, not so much. Maybe a generalisation too far, but history will be written by those who come after.

    Nah, they’re wise generation who can see what an utter mess our country has become in the last 20 years.
    The mess was the consequence of the policies of Keith Joseph and his acolyte, Margaret Thatcher.
    I wonder if that '20 years' mess is what Thatcher lovers have in mind when they describe her as the greatest and most influential post war PM?
    Maybe my maths is different to yours but 20 years ago was 1999, which makes me feel old.

    The big problems of the last 20 years are due to Blair and Brown not Thatcher.
    So influential PM not actually influential? Thatcher admirers Blair & Brown (and in turn Blair admirers Cameron & Osborne) may disagree, but fair enough.
    Thatcher was very influential. She bequeathed Blair a golden inheritance that Brown wasted. The past decade has been about cleaning up Brown's mess.

    But even with Blair and Brown causing problems for the last 20 years we are still miles better than 40 years ago thanks to Thatcher.
    I am not sure I entirely agree with your analysis, and indeed post 31/10 we may experience the sunlit uplands promised by Mr Johnson. If ihowever t doesn't go to plan and the UK crashes and burns, the 'Winter of Discontent' might seem like mild turbulence.
    And the success of the last 40 years was because of the EU and despite Thatchers slash and burn policies.
  • Options

    Mr. Observer, the EU referendum result had a British electorate, not an English one.

    Boris isn't a hard right nationalist. He is not the diametrically opposition to and equivalent of Corbyn. He's an underwhelming court jester too foolish to realise he isn't up to the job.

    I judge Johnson on the decisions he has taken. His cabinet tells you all you need to know.

  • Options
    FF43FF43 Posts: 15,709
    DavidL said:

    I see this as a bit of a win win for Boris. If Labour go remain they fish in the same waters as the Lib Dems, just with a bit less credibility. They will lose some of their traditional support, probably to TBP rather than the Tories, and a swathe of seats will become vulnerable. They might even win back some tactical voters who were going to vote Lib Dem and help remove a Tory as well.

    If they continue their current "policy" then they will continue to bleed loud mouthed supporters like AC to the Lib Dems. Either way the 50% of the country that cares and that wants to remain will be split. The 50% that cares and want to leave are split too of course but Boris will fancy his chances of a much less even split of that vote.

    The interesting thing is how many are in the middle, people who stopped caring about Brexit months or even years ago because it is boring and confusing and they no longer believe a word that anyone says on the subject. My guess is that that number is (a) bigger than we think and (b) growing. How will they vote?

    The interesting non development, as it were, of Johnson's ascension is that he hasn't shifted the dial at all on that group if it exists in any great numbers. Con+BXP+UKIP vote share in the polls remain stuck at about 45% for at least a year I think. Johnson's pitch is entirely to Brexit Party supporters, while there is also fluidity amongst Remain parties:

    https://twitter.com/YouGov/status/1164215124124753921
  • Options

    Mr. Observer, the EU referendum result had a British electorate, not an English one.

    Boris isn't a hard right nationalist. He is not the diametrically opposition to and equivalent of Corbyn. He's an underwhelming court jester too foolish to realise he isn't up to the job.

    I judge Johnson on the decisions he has taken. His cabinet tells you all you need to know.

    Yes, its a good cabinet. Much better than May's.

    No Grayling for starters.
  • Options
    NigelbNigelb Posts: 62,502

    Interesting piece but I don't think it's right.

    Labour policy is not a fudge. People have got used to saying it because it was a fudge for a long, deeply ridiculous time, but it's not a fudge any more.

    The policy is to renegotiate then have a referendum. This may be bullshit (renegotiation unicorns etc) but it's clear what it means. It's true that they're not being clear which side they would recommend voting for in the referendum, but that's not very important, and logically depends on what they've ended up negotiating.

    Whether you can do a GoNAfaE doesn't depend on a change in Labour policy. There's no alternative Labour policy which, if they adopted it, would make a GoNAfaE more likely. There are two ways that Labour may prevent a GoNAfaE from happening when it otherwise would:

    1) The leadership may refuse to accept a non-Corbyn option, which might otherwise be viable when Corbyn is not. This doesn't really turn on what the GoNAfaE would do, which is the easy part. (The clue's in the name.)

    2) Lab-leave rebels may decline to back the GoNAfaE, or other anti-No-Deal measures. This becomes more likely not less if you tilt the party policy to be more anti-Leave, for example by advocating revoking without a referendum.

    So I don't think anything in the short term turns on Labour policy, and I'd be surprised if Labour changed their policy, beyond making the leadership's shift from the last conference policy official.

    Perhaps ‘fudge’ is unfair.
    It is, undeniably, a further prevarication of the choice between leave and remain - and then seeks to hand the problem back to the electorate without being clear which way Labour will be seeking to persuade them to vote.

    That is not even wishing the problem to go away; it is conceivably setting up a repeat of the last three years.
  • Options

    Mr. Observer, you keep going on about English nationalism (a loose definition must be used, as it includes Wales...). If it has arisen, major factors driving it have been Labour's self-interested and short-sighted devolution for Everywhere But England, the open borders policy with accompanying race card, and the reneging upon manifesto commitments.

    It didn't take a genius to predict that trying to fiddle with the constitution to create a perpetual fiefdom whilst actually embedding division in the political system might not be clever. Or that calling everyone a racist who disagreed with a policy to 'rub the right's face in diversity' might dilute the charge of 'racist' to very little. Or that telling the electorate one thing and doing the opposite doesn't engender trust.

    The polarisation of current politics is the crop grown by complacent 'centrist' politicians who took for granted that they'd always be the ones in charge and that if the electorate had the temerity to disagree they could simply be ignored. If a return from the fringes is to happen, that requires politicians to take account of the legitimate concerns the electorate has. Unfortunately, the habit of throwing around terms like 'traitor', 'xenophobe' and so on has made the middle ground harder to stand in (No Man's Land, if you will, in the current trench warfare).

    The Tories’ decision to embrace hard-right, populist, English nationalism is entirely the responsibility of the Tory Party.

    That's one view. Another is that you need to do some SERIOUS work on your definitions....

    Most Tory members believe Brexit is more important than the continued existence of the UK. They are English nationalists.
  • Options
    nichomarnichomar Posts: 7,483
    malcolmg said:

    Apparently bad Al's son is buying bury fc.

    who is bad Al
    I’m assuming Alistair Campbell but I may be wrong
  • Options
    Ishmael_ZIshmael_Z Posts: 8,981

    Mr. Observer, the EU referendum result had a British electorate, not an English one.

    Boris isn't a hard right nationalist. He is not the diametrically opposition to and equivalent of Corbyn. He's an underwhelming court jester too foolish to realise he isn't up to the job.

    He may turn out to be a Moltke type 4 officer, exactly suited to be a commander.
  • Options
    FF43 said:

    DavidL said:

    I see this as a bit of a win win for Boris. If Labour go remain they fish in the same waters as the Lib Dems, just with a bit less credibility. They will lose some of their traditional support, probably to TBP rather than the Tories, and a swathe of seats will become vulnerable. They might even win back some tactical voters who were going to vote Lib Dem and help remove a Tory as well.

    If they continue their current "policy" then they will continue to bleed loud mouthed supporters like AC to the Lib Dems. Either way the 50% of the country that cares and that wants to remain will be split. The 50% that cares and want to leave are split too of course but Boris will fancy his chances of a much less even split of that vote.

    The interesting thing is how many are in the middle, people who stopped caring about Brexit months or even years ago because it is boring and confusing and they no longer believe a word that anyone says on the subject. My guess is that that number is (a) bigger than we think and (b) growing. How will they vote?

    The interesting non development, as it were, of Johnson's ascension is that he hasn't shifted the dial at all on that group if it exists in any great numbers. Con+BXP+UKIP vote share in the polls remain stuck at about 45% for at least a year I think. Johnson's pitch is entirely to Brexit Party supporters, while there is also fluidity amongst Remain parties:

    https://twitter.com/YouGov/status/1164215124124753921
    What seems interesting in that chart is how the blue Remainers have stayed much more consistent than the red Leavers.
  • Options

    Mr. Observer, the EU referendum result had a British electorate, not an English one.

    Boris isn't a hard right nationalist. He is not the diametrically opposition to and equivalent of Corbyn. He's an underwhelming court jester too foolish to realise he isn't up to the job.

    I judge Johnson on the decisions he has taken. His cabinet tells you all you need to know.

    Yes, its a good cabinet. Much better than May's.

    No Grayling for starters.

    It’s just a different set of lightweights, non-entities and fools. Only further to the right and much more English nationalist.

  • Options
    NigelbNigelb Posts: 62,502

    Mr. Observer, you keep going on about English nationalism (a loose definition must be used, as it includes Wales...). If it has arisen, major factors driving it have been Labour's self-interested and short-sighted devolution for Everywhere But England, the open borders policy with accompanying race card, and the reneging upon manifesto commitments.

    It didn't take a genius to predict that trying to fiddle with the constitution to create a perpetual fiefdom whilst actually embedding division in the political system might not be clever. Or that calling everyone a racist who disagreed with a policy to 'rub the right's face in diversity' might dilute the charge of 'racist' to very little. Or that telling the electorate one thing and doing the opposite doesn't engender trust.

    The polarisation of current politics is the crop grown by complacent 'centrist' politicians who took for granted that they'd always be the ones in charge and that if the electorate had the temerity to disagree they could simply be ignored. If a return from the fringes is to happen, that requires politicians to take account of the legitimate concerns the electorate has. Unfortunately, the habit of throwing around terms like 'traitor', 'xenophobe' and so on has made the middle ground harder to stand in (No Man's Land, if you will, in the current trench warfare).

    The Tories’ decision to embrace hard-right, populist, English nationalism is entirely the responsibility of the Tory Party.

    That's one view. Another is that you need to do some SERIOUS work on your definitions....

    Most Tory members believe Brexit is more important than the continued existence of the UK. They are English nationalists.
    “Hard right” was perhaps unfair.
    They have chosen to compete for that vote rather than any of those in the centre, though.
  • Options
    DavidLDavidL Posts: 51,212
    nichomar said:

    DavidL said:

    I see this as a bit of a win win for Boris. If Labour go remain they fish in the same waters as the Lib Dems, just with a bit less credibility. They will lose some of their traditional support, probably to TBP rather than the Tories, and a swathe of seats will become vulnerable. They might even win back some tactical voters who were going to vote Lib Dem and help remove a Tory as well.

    If they continue their current "policy" then they will continue to bleed loud mouthed supporters like AC to the Lib Dems. Either way the 50% of the country that cares and that wants to remain will be split. The 50% that cares and want to leave are split too of course but Boris will fancy his chances of a much less even split of that vote.

    The interesting thing is how many are in the middle, people who stopped caring about Brexit months or even years ago because it is boring and confusing and they no longer believe a word that anyone says on the subject. My guess is that that number is (a) bigger than we think and (b) growing. How will they vote?

    They probably wont
    That's got to be a strong possibility. The political class have rarely worked so hard and consistently at pissing people off as they have in the last couple of years. Its the one thing they are good at.
  • Options
    malcolmgmalcolmg Posts: 41,854

    tpfkar said:

    Well argued. However I was struck by the comment about Tory members not setting policy in the second paragraph. I've come to the view that the Tory membership are a big part of the problem; the country won't tolerate what the Tory membership are demanding, and they are divorced from the reality (mostly on age grounds) so as to not care about the consequences for those in employment. And of course they heave shown you don't need policy setting conferences for the members to drive party policy.

    I fear the baby boomers will be regarded as the selfish generation when they are gone. Their parents were wartime heroes - their children, not so much. Maybe a generalisation too far, but history will be written by those who come after.

    Tory members do not set policy, but they undoubtedly set tone and direction of travel. Hence the end of the pragmatic, centre-right Conservative and Unionist Party and the birth of the populist, hard-right English National Party.

    Considering the success of the Scottish National Party seems to me an English one is a sensible move.

    Though they're still not pledging to abolish Barnett.
    England could not afford having to hand over all of Scotland's money back to it instead of just a portion of it
  • Options

    Mr. Observer, you keep going on about English nationalism (a loose definition must be used, as it includes Wales...). If it has arisen, major factors driving it have been Labour's self-interested and short-sighted devolution for Everywhere But England, the open borders policy with accompanying race card, and the reneging upon manifesto commitments.

    It didn't take a genius to predict that trying to fiddle with the constitution to create a perpetual fiefdom whilst actually embedding division in the political system might not be clever. Or that calling everyone a racist who disagreed with a policy to 'rub the right's face in diversity' might dilute the charge of 'racist' to very little. Or that telling the electorate one thing and doing the opposite doesn't engender trust.

    The polarisation of current politics is the crop grown by complacent 'centrist' politicians who took for granted that they'd always be the ones in charge and that if the electorate had the temerity to disagree they could simply be ignored. If a return from the fringes is to happen, that requires politicians to take account of the legitimate concerns the electorate has. Unfortunately, the habit of throwing around terms like 'traitor', 'xenophobe' and so on has made the middle ground harder to stand in (No Man's Land, if you will, in the current trench warfare).

    The Tories’ decision to embrace hard-right, populist, English nationalism is entirely the responsibility of the Tory Party.

    That's one view. Another is that you need to do some SERIOUS work on your definitions....

    Most Tory members believe Brexit is more important than the continued existence of the UK. They are English nationalists.
    That's not what a nationalist is.

    I am an English nationalist, I want the breakup of the UK, just as a Scottish nationalist wants the same.

    Someone who doesn't want the breakup of the UK but is prepared to see it happen isn't a nationalist.
  • Options
    CharlesCharles Posts: 35,758

    On my Facebook page this morning has appeared a reference to an article from something called Quora which has probably the most lucid explanation I've seen of the machinations behind Brexit, and the campaign which led up to it.
    'Why are Remainers so convinced that staying in the European Union is what is best for the UK?'.

    That’s a good explanation of why people voted as they did.

    Our family is a little unusual in that we bridge so many groups while belonging to none. But it allowed us to perceive the widening divide between the metropolitan based governing classes and the people they claimed to work for.

    “We hear men speaking for us of new laws strong and sweet / Yet no man speaketh as we speak in the street”
  • Options
    malcolmg said:

    tpfkar said:

    Well argued. However I was struck by the comment about Tory members not setting policy in the second paragraph. I've come to the view that the Tory membership are a big part of the problem; the country won't tolerate what the Tory membership are demanding, and they are divorced from the reality (mostly on age grounds) so as to not care about the consequences for those in employment. And of course they heave shown you don't need policy setting conferences for the members to drive party policy.

    I fear the baby boomers will be regarded as the selfish generation when they are gone. Their parents were wartime heroes - their children, not so much. Maybe a generalisation too far, but history will be written by those who come after.

    Tory members do not set policy, but they undoubtedly set tone and direction of travel. Hence the end of the pragmatic, centre-right Conservative and Unionist Party and the birth of the populist, hard-right English National Party.

    Considering the success of the Scottish National Party seems to me an English one is a sensible move.

    Though they're still not pledging to abolish Barnett.
    England could not afford having to hand over all of Scotland's money back to it instead of just a portion of it
    Not enough ha'penny pieces in the Treasury to hand back your contribution in one go.
  • Options
    Morris_DancerMorris_Dancer Posts: 60,976
    Mr. Z, hmm. Not my area, but weren't there two Moltkes?

    Anyway, is the type 4 one of those from the grid with intelligent, lazy, active, and stupid, or something along those lines?
  • Options
    CharlesCharles Posts: 35,758

    Mr. Observer, depressing to see Labour MPs stay loyal to a far left fool, and Conservative MPs fall over themselves to back a man not fit to be in Cabinet.

    As I've said before, the ultimate winning side will be determined by who can be guided by a long term, sustainable proposition that moderates on both sides can accept.

    That's what ended the iconoclasm, and the religious conflict of the Tudors [although there were some bumps, of course].

    First time I’ve heard the Wars of the Three Kingdoms describes as a “bump” in the road!
  • Options
    Casino_RoyaleCasino_Royale Posts: 55,304

    FF43 said:

    DavidL said:

    I see this as a bit of a win win for Boris. If Labour go remain they fish in the same waters as the Lib Dems, just with a bit less credibility. They will lose some of their traditional support, probably to TBP rather than the Tories, and a swathe of seats will become vulnerable. They might even win back some tactical voters who were going to vote Lib Dem and help remove a Tory as well.

    If they continue their current "policy" then they will continue to bleed loud mouthed supporters like AC to the Lib Dems. Either way the 50% of the country that cares and that wants to remain will be split. The 50% that cares and want to leave are split too of course but Boris will fancy his chances of a much less even split of that vote.

    The interesting thing is how many are in the middle, people who stopped caring about Brexit months or even years ago because it is boring and confusing and they no longer believe a word that anyone says on the subject. My guess is that that number is (a) bigger than we think and (b) growing. How will they vote?

    The interesting non development, as it were, of Johnson's ascension is that he hasn't shifted the dial at all on that group if it exists in any great numbers. Con+BXP+UKIP vote share in the polls remain stuck at about 45% for at least a year I think. Johnson's pitch is entirely to Brexit Party supporters, while there is also fluidity amongst Remain parties:

    https://twitter.com/YouGov/status/1164215124124753921
    What seems interesting in that chart is how the blue Remainers have stayed much more consistent than the red Leavers.
    Blue Remainers seem remarkably loyal to me.
  • Options
    Casino_RoyaleCasino_Royale Posts: 55,304

    Mr. Observer, you keep going on about English nationalism (a loose definition must be used, as it includes Wales...). If it has arisen, major factors driving it have been Labour's self-interested and short-sighted devolution for Everywhere But England, the open borders policy with accompanying race card, and the reneging upon manifesto commitments.

    It didn't take a genius to predict that trying to fiddle with the constitution to create a perpetual fiefdom whilst actually embedding division in the political system might not be clever. Or that calling everyone a racist who disagreed with a policy to 'rub the right's face in diversity' might dilute the charge of 'racist' to very little. Or that telling the electorate one thing and doing the opposite doesn't engender trust.

    The polarisation of current politics is the crop grown by complacent 'centrist' politicians who took for granted that they'd always be the ones in charge and that if the electorate had the temerity to disagree they could simply be ignored. If a return from the fringes is to happen, that requires politicians to take account of the legitimate concerns the electorate has. Unfortunately, the habit of throwing around terms like 'traitor', 'xenophobe' and so on has made the middle ground harder to stand in (No Man's Land, if you will, in the current trench warfare).

    The Tories’ decision to embrace hard-right, populist, English nationalism is entirely the responsibility of the Tory Party.

    That's one view. Another is that you need to do some SERIOUS work on your definitions....

    Most Tory members believe Brexit is more important than the continued existence of the UK. They are English nationalists.
    That's not what a nationalist is.

    I am an English nationalist, I want the breakup of the UK, just as a Scottish nationalist wants the same.

    Someone who doesn't want the breakup of the UK but is prepared to see it happen isn't a nationalist.
    I don't want the break up of the UK and I'm not prepared to see it happen.

    I'm not sure what label that makes me.
  • Options
    Morris_DancerMorris_Dancer Posts: 60,976
    Mr. Charles, got to admit, your Three Kingdoms comment made me think Wu, Wei, and Shu.

    If Cao Cao were in charge of negotiations, they would've gone rather better.
  • Options
    malcolmgmalcolmg Posts: 41,854
    nichomar said:

    malcolmg said:

    Apparently bad Al's son is buying bury fc.

    who is bad Al
    I’m assuming Alistair Campbell but I may be wrong
    cheers
  • Options

    Mr. Observer, you keep going on about English nationalism (a loose definition must be used, as it includes Wales...). If it has arisen, major factors driving it have been Labour's self-interested and short-sighted devolution for Everywhere But England, the open borders policy with accompanying race card, and the reneging upon manifesto commitments.

    It didn't take a genius to predict that trying to fiddle with the constitution to create a perpetual fiefdom whilst actually embedding division in the political system might not be clever. Or that calling everyone a racist who disagreed with a policy to 'rub the right's face in diversity' might dilute the charge of 'racist' to very little. Or that telling the electorate one thing and doing the opposite doesn't engender trust.

    The polarisation of current politics is the crop grown by complacent 'centrist' politicians who took for granted that they'd always be the ones in charge and that if the electorate had the temerity to disagree they could simply be ignored. If a return from the fringes is to happen, that requires politicians to take account of the legitimate concerns the electorate has. Unfortunately, the habit of throwing around terms like 'traitor', 'xenophobe' and so on has made the middle ground harder to stand in (No Man's Land, if you will, in the current trench warfare).

    The Tories’ decision to embrace hard-right, populist, English nationalism is entirely the responsibility of the Tory Party.

    That's one view. Another is that you need to do some SERIOUS work on your definitions....

    Most Tory members believe Brexit is more important than the continued existence of the UK. They are English nationalists.
    That's not what a nationalist is.

    I am an English nationalist, I want the breakup of the UK, just as a Scottish nationalist wants the same.

    Someone who doesn't want the breakup of the UK but is prepared to see it happen isn't a nationalist.
    I don't want the break up of the UK and I'm not prepared to see it happen.

    I'm not sure what label that makes me.
    A unionist?
  • Options
    DavidLDavidL Posts: 51,212
    FF43 said:

    DavidL said:

    I see this as a bit of a win win for Boris. If Labour go remain they fish in the same waters as the Lib Dems, just with a bit less credibility. They will lose some of their traditional support, probably to TBP rather than the Tories, and a swathe of seats will become vulnerable. They might even win back some tactical voters who were going to vote Lib Dem and help remove a Tory as well.

    If they continue their current "policy" then they will continue to bleed loud mouthed supporters like AC to the Lib Dems. Either way the 50% of the country that cares and that wants to remain will be split. The 50% that cares and want to leave are split too of course but Boris will fancy his chances of a much less even split of that vote.

    The interesting thing is how many are in the middle, people who stopped caring about Brexit months or even years ago because it is boring and confusing and they no longer believe a word that anyone says on the subject. My guess is that that number is (a) bigger than we think and (b) growing. How will they vote?

    The interesting non development, as it were, of Johnson's ascension is that he hasn't shifted the dial at all on that group if it exists in any great numbers. Con+BXP+UKIP vote share in the polls remain stuck at about 45% for at least a year I think. Johnson's pitch is entirely to Brexit Party supporters, while there is also fluidity amongst Remain parties:

    https://twitter.com/YouGov/status/1164215124124753921
    As I say one of the camps looks more and more evenly divided, one less so. Its not exactly bringing the country together but it is good electoral news for Boris.
  • Options
    kle4kle4 Posts: 91,721
    The official policy may still be something of a fudge but in the eyes of the public are Labour anything but clearly a remain party now? Corbyn may equivocate slightly but vast majority of its members and MPs go around telling people they are a remain party, so on practice the policy is irrelevant isnt it? Labour backbencher no. 98 or whomever is going to campaign for remain and resist any suggestion of a renegotiated deal even if it is policy. We can be confident of that because even members were getting mad at corbyn for sticking to policy earlier this year.
  • Options
    NigelbNigelb Posts: 62,502
    edited August 2019

    Mr. Observer, you keep going on about English nationalism (a loose definition must be used, as it includes Wales...). If it has arisen, major factors driving it have been Labour's self-interested and short-sighted devolution for Everywhere But England, the open borders policy with accompanying race card, and the reneging upon manifesto commitments.

    It didn't take a genius to predict that trying to fiddle with the constitution to create a perpetual fiefdom whilst actually embedding division in the political system might not be clever. Or that calling everyone a racist who disagreed with a policy to 'rub the right's face in diversity' might dilute the charge of 'racist' to very little. Or that telling the electorate one thing and doing the opposite doesn't engender trust.

    The polarisation of current politics is the crop grown by complacent 'centrist' politicians who took for granted that they'd always be the ones in charge and that if the electorate had the temerity to disagree they could simply be ignored. If a return from the fringes is to happen, that requires politicians to take account of the legitimate concerns the electorate has. Unfortunately, the habit of throwing around terms like 'traitor', 'xenophobe' and so on has made the middle ground harder to stand in (No Man's Land, if you will, in the current trench warfare).

    The Tories’ decision to embrace hard-right, populist, English nationalism is entirely the responsibility of the Tory Party.

    That's one view. Another is that you need to do some SERIOUS work on your definitions....

    Most Tory members believe Brexit is more important than the continued existence of the UK. They are English nationalists.
    That's not what a nationalist is.

    I am an English nationalist, I want the breakup of the UK, just as a Scottish nationalist wants the same.

    Someone who doesn't want the breakup of the UK but is prepared to see it happen isn't a nationalist.
    I don't want the break up of the UK and I'm not prepared to see it happen.

    I'm not sure what label that makes me.
    A minority in the Tory party.

  • Options
    NickPalmerNickPalmer Posts: 21,326
    I agree with EiT's analysis, and I don't expect Brexit drama in Brighton, though I'm sure the media will predict it. The Remainers (including me) have got the most we can reasonably expect: to go further and say "Oh well, sod it, let's revoke" would just look silly at this point. The Leavers don't have the numbers to push back on the current policy.

    Where I disagree with the leadership is that I think we should fight for our position instead of constantly trying to change the subject. Corbyn is entirely correct that No Deal is wrong but things like child poverty are more important than the exact details of a deal. But he's wrong to think that people will listen on child poverty or anything but Brexit. So we should be working to promote the position so that people other than EiT understand it - sure, hardcore Remainers and Leavers won't feel it's good enough, but the impression of shifty obscurity is not helped but hindered by talking about other things.
  • Options
    Casino_RoyaleCasino_Royale Posts: 55,304
    On topic, I've started moderately heavy laying of a General Election this year for precisely this reason. 60% likelihood is way too high and I'd assess it in the 25-30% box, at present.

    Parliament has about six weeks max to make this move once it gets back, or it won't happen.

    So you can trade out your stake in about eight weeks time and lock in the profit to pay for your January sales.
  • Options
    Casino_RoyaleCasino_Royale Posts: 55,304

    Mr. Observer, you keep going on about English nationalism (a loose definition must be used, as it includes Wales...). If it has arisen, major factors driving it have been Labour's self-interested and short-sighted devolution for Everywhere But England, the open borders policy with accompanying race card, and the reneging upon manifesto commitments.

    It didn't take a genius to predict that trying to fiddle with the constitution to create a perpetual fiefdom whilst actually embedding division in the political system might not be clever. Or that calling everyone a racist who disagreed with a policy to 'rub the right's face in diversity' might dilute the charge of 'racist' to very little. Or that telling the electorate one thing and doing the opposite doesn't engender trust.

    The polarisation of current politics is the crop grown by complacent 'centrist' politicians who took for granted that they'd always be the ones in charge and that if the electorate had the temerity to disagree they could simply be ignored. If a return from the fringes is to happen, that requires politicians to take account of the legitimate concerns the electorate has. Unfortunately, the habit of throwing around terms like 'traitor', 'xenophobe' and so on has made the middle ground harder to stand in (No Man's Land, if you will, in the current trench warfare).

    The Tories’ decision to embrace hard-right, populist, English nationalism is entirely the responsibility of the Tory Party.

    That's one view. Another is that you need to do some SERIOUS work on your definitions....

    Most Tory members believe Brexit is more important than the continued existence of the UK. They are English nationalists.
    That's not what a nationalist is.

    I am an English nationalist, I want the breakup of the UK, just as a Scottish nationalist wants the same.

    Someone who doesn't want the breakup of the UK but is prepared to see it happen isn't a nationalist.
    I don't want the break up of the UK and I'm not prepared to see it happen.

    I'm not sure what label that makes me.
    A unionist?
    Yes. I was half-waiting for some wag to label me as British nationalist or something though.
  • Options

    Mr. Observer, you keep going on about English nationalism (a loose definition must be used, as it includes Wales...). If it has arisen, major factors driving it have been Labour's self-interested and short-sighted devolution for Everywhere But England, the open borders policy with accompanying race card, and the reneging upon manifesto commitments.

    It didn't take a genius to predict that trying to fiddle with the constitution to create a perpetual fiefdom whilst actually embedding division in the political system might not be clever. Or that calling everyone a racist who disagreed with a policy to 'rub the right's face in diversity' might dilute the charge of 'racist' to very little. Or that telling the electorate one thing and doing the opposite doesn't engender trust.

    The polarisation of current politics is the crop grown by complacent 'centrist' politicians who took for granted that they'd always be the ones in charge and that if the electorate had the temerity to disagree they could simply be ignored. If a return from the fringes is to happen, that requires politicians to take account of the legitimate concerns the electorate has. Unfortunately, the habit of throwing around terms like 'traitor', 'xenophobe' and so on has made the middle ground harder to stand in (No Man's Land, if you will, in the current trench warfare).

    The Tories’ decision to embrace hard-right, populist, English nationalism is entirely the responsibility of the Tory Party.

    That's one view. Another is that you need to do some SERIOUS work on your definitions....

    Most Tory members believe Brexit is more important than the continued existence of the UK. They are English nationalists.
    That's not what a nationalist is.

    I am an English nationalist, I want the breakup of the UK, just as a Scottish nationalist wants the same.

    Someone who doesn't want the breakup of the UK but is prepared to see it happen isn't a nationalist.

    Someone who believes the Union is only worth preserving if England gets its way and is happy for the Union to dissolve if that doesn’t happen is an English nationalist.

  • Options
    DavidLDavidL Posts: 51,212

    I agree with EiT's analysis, and I don't expect Brexit drama in Brighton, though I'm sure the media will predict it. The Remainers (including me) have got the most we can reasonably expect: to go further and say "Oh well, sod it, let's revoke" would just look silly at this point. The Leavers don't have the numbers to push back on the current policy.

    Where I disagree with the leadership is that I think we should fight for our position instead of constantly trying to change the subject. Corbyn is entirely correct that No Deal is wrong but things like child poverty are more important than the exact details of a deal. But he's wrong to think that people will listen on child poverty or anything but Brexit. So we should be working to promote the position so that people other than EiT understand it - sure, hardcore Remainers and Leavers won't feel it's good enough, but the impression of shifty obscurity is not helped but hindered by talking about other things.

    Just maybe Corbyn has identified the third group I have (people bored to tears with Brexit) and is trying to speak to them. If everyone else is too busy fishing in Brexit infested waters he may get a good catch. It sort of worked in 2015 and I think he thinks he can repeat the trick.
  • Options
    kle4 said:

    The official policy may still be something of a fudge but in the eyes of the public are Labour anything but clearly a remain party now? Corbyn may equivocate slightly but vast majority of its members and MPs go around telling people they are a remain party, so on practice the policy is irrelevant isnt it? Labour backbencher no. 98 or whomever is going to campaign for remain and resist any suggestion of a renegotiated deal even if it is policy. We can be confident of that because even members were getting mad at corbyn for sticking to policy earlier this year.

    My guess is that Labour believes stop Johnson will win it votes come election time.

  • Options
    CharlesCharles Posts: 35,758

    Mr. Charles, got to admit, your Three Kingdoms comment made me think Wu, Wei, and Shu.

    If Cao Cao were in charge of negotiations, they would've gone rather better.

    I’m given to understand that the term “Civil War” in no longer the approved nomenclature.

    Something to do with Scotland and Ireland being separate Kingdoms 🤔
  • Options
    kle4kle4 Posts: 91,721

    Mr. Observer, the EU referendum result had a British electorate, not an English one.

    Boris isn't a hard right nationalist. He is not the diametrically opposition to and equivalent of Corbyn. He's an underwhelming court jester too foolish to realise he isn't up to the job.

    I judge Johnson on the decisions he has taken. His cabinet tells you all you need to know.

    Yes, its a good cabinet. Much better than May's.

    No Grayling for starters.
    Everyone can get at least one thing right.
  • Options
    TheuniondivvieTheuniondivvie Posts: 40,022

    tlg86 said:

    tpfkar said:

    Well argued. However I was struck by the comment about Tory members not setting policy in the second paragraph. I've come to the view that the Tory membership are a big part of the problem; the country won't tolerate what the Tory membership are demanding, and they are divorced from the reality (mostly on age grounds) so as to not care about the consequences for those in employment. And of course they heave shown you don't need policy setting conferences for the members to drive party policy.

    I fear the baby boomers will be regarded as the selfish generation when they are gone. Their parents were wartime heroes - their children, not so much. Maybe a generalisation too far, but history will be written by those who come after.

    Nah, they’re wise generation who can see what an utter mess our country has become in the last 20 years.
    The mess was the consequence of the policies of Keith Joseph and his acolyte, Margaret Thatcher.
    I wonder if that '20 years' mess is what Thatcher lovers have in mind when they describe her as the greatest and most influential post war PM?
    Maybe my maths is different to yours but 20 years ago was 1999, which makes me feel old.

    The big problems of the last 20 years are due to Blair and Brown not Thatcher.
    So influential PM not actually influential? Thatcher admirers Blair & Brown (and in turn Blair admirers Cameron & Osborne) may disagree, but fair enough.
    Thatcher was very influential. She bequeathed Blair a golden inheritance that Brown wasted. The past decade has been about cleaning up Brown's mess.

    But even with Blair and Brown causing problems for the last 20 years we are still miles better than 40 years ago thanks to Thatcher.
    So the Thatcher revolution, the ripping up of the post war consensus, the fundamental change of the political weather was only slightly less ephemeral than Cool Britannia? Some influence.
  • Options
    kle4kle4 Posts: 91,721

    kle4 said:

    The official policy may still be something of a fudge but in the eyes of the public are Labour anything but clearly a remain party now? Corbyn may equivocate slightly but vast majority of its members and MPs go around telling people they are a remain party, so on practice the policy is irrelevant isnt it? Labour backbencher no. 98 or whomever is going to campaign for remain and resist any suggestion of a renegotiated deal even if it is policy. We can be confident of that because even members were getting mad at corbyn for sticking to policy earlier this year.

    My guess is that Labour believes stop Johnson will win it votes come election time.

    I think they're right about that, but being full on remain couldn't hurt so they can further blunt the LDs appeal.
  • Options
    Morris_DancerMorris_Dancer Posts: 60,976
    Mr. Charles, I'd not heard that before. Still, at least it's not obnoxious, like the Common Era tosh.
  • Options

    Mr. Observer, the EU referendum result had a British electorate, not an English one.

    Boris isn't a hard right nationalist. He is not the diametrically opposition to and equivalent of Corbyn. He's an underwhelming court jester too foolish to realise he isn't up to the job.

    I judge Johnson on the decisions he has taken. His cabinet tells you all you need to know.

    Yes, its a good cabinet. Much better than May's.

    No Grayling for starters.

    It’s just a different set of lightweights, non-entities and fools. Only further to the right and much more English nationalist.

    Sounds great. What's the problem? Unless you're a lefty England hater.
  • Options
    kle4kle4 Posts: 91,721

    Mr. Charles, I'd not heard that before. Still, at least it's not obnoxious, like the Common Era tosh.

    Three kingdoms wars or various has been in common use for quite a while, though you still see British Civil Wars and so on.
  • Options
    MarqueeMarkMarqueeMark Posts: 50,100
    edited August 2019

    Mr. Observer, you keep going on about English nationalism (a loose definition must be used, as it includes Wales...). If it has arisen, major factors driving it have been Labour's self-interested and short-sighted devolution for Everywhere But England, the open borders policy with accompanying race card, and the reneging upon manifesto commitments.

    It didn't take a genius to predict that trying to fiddle with the constitution to create a perpetual fiefdom whilst actually embedding division in the political system might not be clever. Or that calling everyone a racist who disagreed with a policy to 'rub the right's face in diversity' might dilute the charge of 'racist' to very little. Or that telling the electorate one thing and doing the opposite doesn't engender trust.

    The polarisation of current politics is the crop grown by complacent 'centrist' politicians who took for granted that they'd always be the ones in charge and that if the electorate had the temerity to disagree they could simply be ignored. If a return from the fringes is to happen, that requires politicians to take account of the legitimate concerns the electorate has. Unfortunately, the habit of throwing around terms like 'traitor', 'xenophobe' and so on has made the middle ground harder to stand in (No Man's Land, if you will, in the current trench warfare).

    The Tories’ decision to embrace hard-right, populist, English nationalism is entirely the responsibility of the Tory Party.

    That's one view. Another is that you need to do some SERIOUS work on your definitions....

    Most Tory members believe Brexit is more important than the continued existence of the UK. They are English nationalists.
    That's one view. Another is that most Tory members think Brexit has to be delivered, but that the case for the four countries remaining in the UK will then be much easier to make. They strongly believe that Brexit will not summon the Four Horsemen and the economic case for NI or Scotland leaving will then be much harder to make. We've made the case in Scotland once this decade. The SNP has shown it has no more answers on the economy than it did last time.

    But this member is entirely sanguine. If Scotland or NI can't see those benefits, good luck to them. But in those divorce proceedings, expect London's team to make Barnier look like a plasticine pussycat.
  • Options

    Mr. Observer, the EU referendum result had a British electorate, not an English one.

    Boris isn't a hard right nationalist. He is not the diametrically opposition to and equivalent of Corbyn. He's an underwhelming court jester too foolish to realise he isn't up to the job.

    I judge Johnson on the decisions he has taken. His cabinet tells you all you need to know.

    Yes, its a good cabinet. Much better than May's.

    No Grayling for starters.

    It’s just a different set of lightweights, non-entities and fools. Only further to the right and much more English nationalist.

    Sounds great. What's the problem? Unless you're a lefty England hater.

    I truly detest your vision of England. It revolts me. It also means you’re not capable of reading first sentences!

  • Options
    Morris_DancerMorris_Dancer Posts: 60,976
    Mr. kle4, I'm still miffed at people renaming the Battle of Arbela as Gaugamela.
  • Options
    HYUFDHYUFD Posts: 116,983
    edited August 2019

    Mr. Observer, you keep going on about English nationalism (a loose definition must be used, as it includes Wales...). If it has arisen, major factors driving it have been Labour's self-interested and short-sighted devolution for Everywhere But England, the open borders policy with accompanying race card, and the reneging upon manifesto commitments.

    It didn't take a genius to predict that trying to fiddle with the constitution to create a perpetual fiefdom whilst actually embedding division in the political system might not be clever. Or that calling everyone a racist who disagreed with a policy to 'rub the right's face in diversity' might dilute the charge of 'racist' to very little. o Man's Land, if you will, in the current trench warfare).

    The Tories’ decision to embrace hard-right, populist, English nationalism is entirely the responsibility of the Tory Party.

    That's one view. Another is that you need to do some SERIOUS work on your definitions....

    Most Tory members believe Brexit is more important than the continued existence of the UK. They are English nationalists.
    That's not what a nationalist is.

    I am an English nationalist, I want the breakup of the UK, just as a Scottish nationalist wants the same.

    Someone who doesn't want the breakup of the UK but is prepared to see it happen isn't a nationalist.

    Someone who believes the Union is only worth preserving if England gets its way and is happy for the Union to dissolve if that doesn’t happen is an English nationalist.

    The Tories believe that the Union is worth preserving if the UK wide vote to Leave is still respected, not if Scotland insists on staying in the EU to preserve the UK (though the polling evidence is split on that).

    Corbyn does not seem to care much about the Union either way and the Brexit Party are neutral on the Union, indeed they even won a few nationalists in the European Parliament elections most likely given they came second in Scotland on a Brexit for the UK or an independent Scotland platform.

    The LDs believe though the UK must not breakup up and are prepared to stay in the EU and reverse the UK wide vote to Leave the EU to preserve the UK.

    So arguably the LDs are now the main Unionist party on that definition but only because they put staying in the EU first
  • Options
    TheuniondivvieTheuniondivvie Posts: 40,022
    Charles said:

    Mr. Charles, got to admit, your Three Kingdoms comment made me think Wu, Wei, and Shu.

    If Cao Cao were in charge of negotiations, they would've gone rather better.

    I’m given to understand that the term “Civil War” in no longer the approved nomenclature.

    Something to do with Scotland and Ireland being separate Kingdoms 🤔
    I think it's the term English Civil War that's no longer approved, due to being ahistorically parochial.
  • Options
    HYUFDHYUFD Posts: 116,983
    FF43 said:

    DavidL said:

    I see this as a bit of a win win for Boris. If Labour go remain they fish in the same waters as the Lib Dems, just with a bit less credibility. They will lose some of their traditional support, probably to TBP rather than the Tories, and a swathe of seats will become vulnerable. They might even win back some tactical voters who were going to vote Lib Dem and help remove a Tory as well.

    If they continue their current "policy" then they will continue to bleed loud mouthed supporters like AC to the Lib Dems. Either way the 50% of the country that cares and that wants to remain will be split. The 50% that cares and want to leave are split too of course but Boris will fancy his chances of a much less even split of that vote.

    The interesting thing is how many are in the middle, people who stopped caring about Brexit months or even years ago because it is boring and confusing and they no longer believe a word that anyone says on the subject. My guess is that that number is (a) bigger than we think and (b) growing. How will they vote?

    The interesting non development, as it were, of Johnson's ascension is that he hasn't shifted the dial at all on that group if it exists in any great numbers. Con+BXP+UKIP vote share in the polls remain stuck at about 45% for at least a year I think. Johnson's pitch is entirely to Brexit Party supporters, while there is also fluidity amongst Remain parties:

    https://twitter.com/YouGov/status/1164215124124753921
    Interesting that the LDs are now taking more of the Remainer vote than 2017 mainly from Labour with the Tories about the same but with the Leave vote the Tories are getting about the same vote as 2017 since Boris took over with Labour getting less, mainly because of the Brexit Party.
  • Options
    MarqueeMarkMarqueeMark Posts: 50,100
    kle4 said:

    Mr. Observer, the EU referendum result had a British electorate, not an English one.

    Boris isn't a hard right nationalist. He is not the diametrically opposition to and equivalent of Corbyn. He's an underwhelming court jester too foolish to realise he isn't up to the job.

    I judge Johnson on the decisions he has taken. His cabinet tells you all you need to know.

    Yes, its a good cabinet. Much better than May's.

    No Grayling for starters.
    Everyone can get at least one thing right.
    Boris seems to be getting quite a lot right though.

    He even looks like a Prime Minister, rather than the clown we were promised. (Although as I said at the time, all those ridiculing Boris were setting the bar for him to be deemed a success so much lower....)
  • Options

    Mr. Observer, you keep going on about English nationalism (a loose definition must be used, as it includes Wales...). If it has arisen, major factors driving it have been Labour's self-interested and short-sighted devolution for Everywhere But England, the open borders policy with accompanying race card, and the reneging upon manifesto commitments.

    It didn't take a genius to predict that trying to fiddle with the constitution to create a perpetual fiefdom whilst actually embedding division in the political system might not be clever. Or that calling everyone a racist who disagreed with a policy to 'rub the right's face in diversity' might dilute the charge of 'racist' to very little. Or that telling the electorate one thing and doing the opposite doesn't engender trust.

    The polarisation of current politics is the crop grown by complacent 'centrist' politicians who took for granted that they'd always be the ones in charge and that if the electorate had the temerity to disagree they could simply be ignored. If a return from the fringes is to happen, that requires politicians to take account of the legitimate concerns the electorate has. Unfortunately, the habit of throwing around terms like 'traitor', 'xenophobe' and so on has made the middle ground harder to stand in (No Man's Land, if you will, in the current trench warfare).

    The Tories’ decision to embrace hard-right, populist, English nationalism is entirely the responsibility of the Tory Party.

    That's one view. Another is that you need to do some SERIOUS work on your definitions....

    Most Tory members believe Brexit is more important than the continued existence of the UK. They are English nationalists.
    That's not what a nationalist is.

    I am an English nationalist, I want the breakup of the UK, just as a Scottish nationalist wants the same.

    Someone who doesn't want the breakup of the UK but is prepared to see it happen isn't a nationalist.

    Someone who believes the Union is only worth preserving if England gets its way and is happy for the Union to dissolve if that doesn’t happen is an English nationalist.

    Brexit isn't happening because England voted for it. Brexit is happening because the union voted for it.

    Believing the union getting its way is more important than the union being preserved but not getting its way has nothing to do with English nationalism.
  • Options
    kle4kle4 Posts: 91,721

    Charles said:

    Mr. Charles, got to admit, your Three Kingdoms comment made me think Wu, Wei, and Shu.

    If Cao Cao were in charge of negotiations, they would've gone rather better.

    I’m given to understand that the term “Civil War” in no longer the approved nomenclature.

    Something to do with Scotland and Ireland being separate Kingdoms 🤔
    I think it's the term English Civil War that's no longer approved, due to being ahistorically parochial.
    The English civil war bits refers to specific parts of the overall conflict across the period, not the overall conflict itself.
  • Options
    Casino_RoyaleCasino_Royale Posts: 55,304

    kle4 said:

    The official policy may still be something of a fudge but in the eyes of the public are Labour anything but clearly a remain party now? Corbyn may equivocate slightly but vast majority of its members and MPs go around telling people they are a remain party, so on practice the policy is irrelevant isnt it? Labour backbencher no. 98 or whomever is going to campaign for remain and resist any suggestion of a renegotiated deal even if it is policy. We can be confident of that because even members were getting mad at corbyn for sticking to policy earlier this year.

    My guess is that Labour believes stop Johnson will win it votes come election time.

    My own view is that any election will lead to a Parliament even more hung and useless than this one.

    If that's possible to imagine.
  • Options
    MarqueeMarkMarqueeMark Posts: 50,100
    HYUFD said:

    FF43 said:

    DavidL said:

    I see this as a bit of a win win for Boris. If Labour go remain they fish in the same waters as the Lib Dems, just with a bit less credibility. They will lose some of their traditional support, probably to TBP rather than the Tories, and a swathe of seats will become vulnerable. They might even win back some tactical voters who were going to vote Lib Dem and help remove a Tory as well.

    If they continue their current "policy" then they will continue to bleed loud mouthed supporters like AC to the Lib Dems. Either way the 50% of the country that cares and that wants to remain will be split. The 50% that cares and want to leave are split too of course but Boris will fancy his chances of a much less even split of that vote.

    The interesting thing is how many are in the middle, people who stopped caring about Brexit months or even years ago because it is boring and confusing and they no longer believe a word that anyone says on the subject. My guess is that that number is (a) bigger than we think and (b) growing. How will they vote?

    The interesting non development, as it were, of Johnson's ascension is that he hasn't shifted the dial at all on that group if it exists in any great numbers. Con+BXP+UKIP vote share in the polls remain stuck at about 45% for at least a year I think. Johnson's pitch is entirely to Brexit Party supporters, while there is also fluidity amongst Remain parties:

    https://twitter.com/YouGov/status/1164215124124753921
    Interesting that the LDs are now taking more of the Remainer vote than 2017 mainly from Labour with the Tories about the same but with the Leave vote the Tories are getting about the same vote as 2017 since Boris took over with Labour getting less, mainly because of the Brexit Party.
    The death of that Labour Leave vote since 2017 is the most remarkable political change in decades.
  • Options
    rottenboroughrottenborough Posts: 58,192

    kle4 said:

    The official policy may still be something of a fudge but in the eyes of the public are Labour anything but clearly a remain party now? Corbyn may equivocate slightly but vast majority of its members and MPs go around telling people they are a remain party, so on practice the policy is irrelevant isnt it? Labour backbencher no. 98 or whomever is going to campaign for remain and resist any suggestion of a renegotiated deal even if it is policy. We can be confident of that because even members were getting mad at corbyn for sticking to policy earlier this year.

    My guess is that Labour believes stop Johnson will win it votes come election time.

    My own view is that any election will lead to a Parliament even more hung and useless than this one.

    If that's possible to imagine.
    Can it be even more hung? The Government has a working majority of one.
  • Options
    Casino_RoyaleCasino_Royale Posts: 55,304
    HYUFD said:

    FF43 said:

    DavidL said:

    I see this as a bit of a win win for Boris. If Labour go remain they fish in the same waters as the Lib Dems, just with a bit less credibility. They will lose some of their traditional support, probably to TBP rather than the Tories, and a swathe of seats will become vulnerable. They might even win back some tactical voters who were going to vote Lib Dem and help remove a Tory as well.

    If they continue their current "policy" then they will continue to bleed loud mouthed supporters like AC to the Lib Dems. Either way the 50% of the country that cares and that wants to remain will be split. The 50% that cares and want to leave are split too of course but Boris will fancy his chances of a much less even split of that vote.

    The interesting thing is how many are in the middle, people who stopped caring about Brexit months or even years ago because it is boring and confusing and they no longer believe a word that anyone says on the subject. My guess is that that number is (a) bigger than we think and (b) growing. How will they vote?

    The interesting non development, as it were, of Johnson's ascension is that he hasn't shifted the dial at all on that group if it exists in any great numbers. Con+BXP+UKIP vote share in the polls remain stuck at about 45% for at least a year I think. Johnson's pitch is entirely to Brexit Party supporters, while there is also fluidity amongst Remain parties:

    https://twitter.com/YouGov/status/1164215124124753921
    Interesting that the LDs are now taking more of the Remainer vote than 2017 mainly from Labour with the Tories about the same but with the Leave vote the Tories are getting about the same vote as 2017 since Boris took over with Labour getting less, mainly because of the Brexit Party.
    Tory Remainers are solid Remainers but for different reasons to Labour/Liberal Democrat Remainers. That divide isn't heard often enough.

    The ideal electoral trick for the Tories would be to retain most of them and the vast majority of Leavers, but leaving the extreme fringe to the BXP/UKIP.

    Boris needs to be careful he doesn't go all in on the latter.
  • Options
    kle4kle4 Posts: 91,721

    kle4 said:

    Mr. Observer, the EU referendum result had a British electorate, not an English one.

    Boris isn't a hard right nationalist. He is not the diametrically opposition to and equivalent of Corbyn. He's an underwhelming court jester too foolish to realise he isn't up to the job.

    I judge Johnson on the decisions he has taken. His cabinet tells you all you need to know.

    Yes, its a good cabinet. Much better than May's.

    No Grayling for starters.
    Everyone can get at least one thing right.
    Boris seems to be getting quite a lot right though.

    He even looks like a Prime Minister, rather than the clown we were promised. (Although as I said at the time, all those ridiculing Boris were setting the bar for him to be deemed a success so much lower....)
    Hes on an election footing splashing cash around with abandon and promising massive successes re Brexit that we dont know yet is all talk or not, itd be more shocking if he didn't at least superficially look ok. I'd look ok as PM if I threw around billions at the drop of a hat in preparation for an election.
  • Options
    TheuniondivvieTheuniondivvie Posts: 40,022
    kle4 said:

    Charles said:

    Mr. Charles, got to admit, your Three Kingdoms comment made me think Wu, Wei, and Shu.

    If Cao Cao were in charge of negotiations, they would've gone rather better.

    I’m given to understand that the term “Civil War” in no longer the approved nomenclature.

    Something to do with Scotland and Ireland being separate Kingdoms 🤔
    I think it's the term English Civil War that's no longer approved, due to being ahistorically parochial.
    The English civil war bits refers to specific parts of the overall conflict across the period, not the overall conflict itself.
    That may be the case now, but I'm pretty sure when I first took a childish interest in history that it was a catch all term for the whole mess.
This discussion has been closed.